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British Football History
 Football, or soccer as it has been known from the Second World War until 1992, has always been a minority game and an immigrants game in Australia. Its history remains to be written and many questions still have to be answered. Why did football not become the dominant code in this area of British settlement? When so many other British institutions took root in Australia, why did football struggle? What part did football play in the lives of immigrants to Australia and what contribution, if any, did it make to Australian society? What follows is primarily concerned with aspects of the last two of these questions.The strong hypothesis presented is as follows. If the Australian absorption of a historically unprecedented proportion of migrants relative to its domestic population has been tolerably successful this century, particularly since the Second World War, then this vilified and denigrated minority sport has been one of the most important single influences, for good and ill, in that process.
If Stephen Castles and his colleagues are accurate in their analysis, Mistaken Identity, Multiculturalism and the Demise of Nationalism in Australia, that Australia has gone a long way to creating a community without a nation, a nation without nationalism and that this is on balance a good thing, then what helped to make assimilation, integration and multiculturalism - the successive phases of Australian public policy on immigration - work was soccer. At a time when systematic denigration and discrimination was practised, qualifications and experience among
migrants were devalued, racism was rampant, the cold war was at its height, this minority sport enabled some working-class new Australians to survive and retain pride in something they could do better than the natives. Soccer was, and remains, an extremely conservative social institution. It represents no threat to the establishment in Australia, even if it briefly was to other codes of football, despite the enmity which it has often attracted. Soccer provided both an entry to some Australian social practices and a subtle diffusion of forces making for the ghettoisation of the immigrant community.
Other contributors to this volume are concerned with the role of immigrants in perpetrating violence associated with soccer in the years after the Second World War, but I would assert that despite accusations of violence and alien behaviour, soccer actually reduced social tensions even at the height of the troubles of the 1960s and 1970s. The expulsion of Croatia (Melbourne) and North Geelong Croatia soccer clubs in 1972 from the Victorian State League and the Provisional League respectively was as significant in its way for Australian society as the election of a Labor government under Gough Whitlam that year. When groups within the former Yugoslavia are killing each other in barbarous fashion in 1993, it is remarkable that the communities in Australia have so far managed to show an incredible restraint. The influence of soccer on these communities in the interim is one of the reasons why that has come about.
This contribution to Australian society was achieved at a price. The price included the reinforcement of stereotypes, the persistence of male chauvinism, subcultural racism, cheating and the illusion of violence, and little or no change in the class structure among the immigrant communities.
In some of these respects the immigrant communities mirrored the wider Australian society. To understand the basis of these claims it is necessary to go back in time to the origins of the game in Australia and its historical development prior to the Second World War, and also come right up to date to appreciate the impact of changes in the game and society which are occurring today, but the main emphasis is on the critical years between 1945 and 1974, from the end of the Second World War to Australia’s first participation in the World Cup. The three elements of the title, British Football, Wogball or
the World Game comprehend the three phases of the development of soccer in Australian society
When and where association football or soccer began in Australia is still a mystery.5 In his recent sponsored history of the origins of Australian Rules Football, Geoffrey Blainey argues that the Australian game was invented locally and only gradually distinguished from other forms of football being played in the colonies.6 He says that early Australian Rules was probably played on a rectangular pitch and that there was strong influence from soccer in the initial stages. The evidence for this is not specifically cited, and it is rather shaky ground on which to assert that football using feet only was being played in Australia in the 1850s and 1860s. Ball games were played on the goldfields, and no doubt many
immigrants arrived off ships carrying a ball to play with, but hard evidence on the existence of something recognisable as soccer has not been turned up yet. Phil Mosely in the most recent article on the early history of thegame sticks to the traditional story of the first matches being played in New South Wales in 1880. Interstate matches between Victoria and New South Wales commenced in 1883, and while Mosely emphasises the northern connection, there must have been some base in Victoria for the game. Two matches were played in August that year, at the East Melbourne and South Melbourne Cricket Grounds, both ending in draws. The British Association game was not received with overwhelming enthusiasm by the media According to the Argus: The English game bears about the same relation to the Victorian game that bowls does to cricket It is not nearly so rough as the Victorian pastime, nor so exciting to the spectator; but on the other hand the tactics are far less likely to provoke ill-feeling and deliberate ill- usage’
The Age was more blunt. The one recommendation the British Association game, as played yesterday, has over the Victorian game is that it is not so rough. It is mild to the extent of implying physical degeneracy on the part of a community which plays it, and it is altogether unlikely to become popular here. The Argus probed more deeply: if the game is apparently less rough to an observer, the element of danger is not wanting, and when a number of players come together, all kicking at the ball, some nasty bruises are received. A spiteful player has also a chance of seriously injuring an opponent without his motives being suspected - a thing which could scarcely happen under the Victorian rules. The game was described as boring and only about 200 people turned up.
So the soccer players are not only degenerate but sneaky. They would not involve themselves in the manly violence of Australian Rules but resorted instead to surreptitious and underhand mayhem. These charges being laid against the ‘imported men’ who played the game in 1883 were to resurface in almost identical terms in the 1950s and 1960s directed against another generation of immigrants. The current somewhat inconclusive debate about the origins of soccer in Australia fits into a wider one about the origins of soccer generally, with the majority view still being a top-down cultural diffusion model, in which the founding public school educated Britons gradually exported their game to the lesser breeds without the law, within and beyond the United Kingdom. There is a growing minority perception which seizes on new interpretations of the industrial revolution and the advance of capitalism which suggests that these phenomena did not result, as was once thought, in the total destruction of folk football and similar rough games. Hence, there was a continuity in lower or working-class sports and pursuits out of which modern association football grew. The rules and the codification may have come from the scions of the upper classes and from Great Britain, but the explosion of popularity of the game from around the 1880s, in which Australia shared, owed more to the way it was grafted onto existing patterns of activity and transformed by lower orders, colonials and foreigners who already had their football games embedded in their social lives. As Richard Holt puts it: How far should we see football not as an invention but rather as a form of cultural continuity, especially as far as the traditions ofmale youth are concerned?
Perhaps we have taken on board too eagerly the heroic accounts of the public school men, who founded the Football Association in 1863, and assumed in consequence that traditional football was suppressed lock, stock and barrel during the first half of the nineteenth century to be re-invented and re-popularised in the second.16trial revolution and its impact on society is an important pointer to the experience of migrants to Australia Migrants to Australia, particularly those who came from south and east Europe after the Second World War, must have undergone an experience not unlike that of the first generation of people who passed from rural or semi-urban communities into the factory towns of the industrial revolution in Britain, France and German. For the newcomers, the disruption of traditional linkages and patterns posed similar problems of re-establishing identity and social reference points in the new society. A good model for this process might be Michael Anderson’s study of Preston (Lancashire) which stresses the importance of kinship and other relationships often deriving from the original place of migration. Holt goes on to argue that the industrial city was not an undifferentiated mass, but was a collection of urban villages with their own complicated hierarchies of rank and respectability. Organized team sports were thoroughly ‘integrated into this close-knit pattern of collective life’. When the Macedonians hold their picnics in Geelong today, the soccer games are organised between villages, though allegiances are loose and some of those whose village lost in the first round, would then bail out and join another for the later stage of the competition. ‘They not only cheat everyone else, they cheat themselves’, as a somewhat cynical Maltese observer remarked on one occasion. Holt argues that football clubs were part of a process of male socialisation and says it would be interesting to know how sport overlapped with other male institutions.
To get direct and detailed answers to such questions an oral history project would be required. The information would have to be linked with data from local census and other demographic material in a detailed ethnography. Holt concludes this section of his article, with the claim, ‘This kind of urban historical anthropology may be the new frontier of sports history’. Anthropology would point to the early establishment and codification of Australian Rules in Victoria as at the very least a serious obstacle to the growth of soccer as the dominant code. It will not be sufficient to point to any anti-English elements to explain the success of Australian Rules, for the natives quickly adopted cricket, the quintessentially English game. If Blainey is correct in his assessment that Gaelic football had no influence whatsoever on the formation of the Australian game, and was the last thing that an Anglican-Protestant community was likely to adopt in any case, then the association of soccer with Scotland and professionalism may have been an inhibiting factor, too.
The connection with the industrial revolution and its impact on society is an important pointer to the experience of migrants to Australia Migrants to Australia, particularly those who came from south and east Europe after the Second World War, must have undergone an experience not unlike that of the first generation of people who passed from rural or semi-urban communities into the factory towns of the industrial revolution in Britain, France and German. For the newcomers, the disruption of traditional linkages and patterns posed similar problems of re-establishing identity and social reference points in the new society. A good model for this process might be Michael Anderson’s study of Preston (Lancashire) which stresses the importance of kinship and other relationships often deriving from the original place of migration. Holt goes on to argue that the industrial city was not an undifferentiated mass, but was a collection of urban villages with their own complicated hierarchies of rank and respectability.
Organized team sports were thoroughly ‘integrated into this close-knit pattern of collective life’. When the Macedonians hold their picnics in Geelong today, the soccer games are organised between villages, though allegiances are loose and some of those whose village lost in the first round, would then bail out and join another for the later stage of the competition. ‘They not only cheat everyone else, they cheat themselves’, as a somewhat cynical Maltese observer remarked on one occasion. Holt argues that football clubs were part of a process of male socialisation and says it would be interesting to know how sport overlapped with other male institutions. To get direct and detailed answers to such questions an oral history project would be required. The information would have to be linked with data from local census and other demographic material in a detailed ethnography. Holt concludes this section of his article, with the claim, ‘This kind of urban historical anthropology may be the new frontier of sports history’.
Anthropology would point to the early establishment and codification of Australian Rules in Victoria as at the very least a serious obstacle to the growth of soccer as the dominant code. It will not be sufficient to point to any anti-English elements to explain the success of Australian Rules, for the natives quickly adopted cricket, the quintessentially English game. If Blainey is correct in his assessment that Gaelic football had no influence whatsoever on the formation of the Australian game, and was the last thing that an Anglican-Protestant community was likely to adopt in any case, then the association of soccer with Scotland and professionalism may have been an inhibiting factor, too.
In Victoria the game rose somewhat in the social scale if not in popular support, with the Governor, Sir H.B. Loch, acting as patron of a series of three interstate matches in 1887 and attending one game in the company of Lord Carrington and the Mayor of Sydney. Two of the three matches were played at the Melbourne Cricket Ground, the other at East Melbourne. At the dinner after the drawn game between the two state sides, the New South Wales captain, William Baillie, noted that ‘If it had not been for bad trade and other circumstances he would have been able to have brought a much stronger team with him to Victoria’. Demonstrations by the unemployed were reported in Melbourne as the soccer matches were being played This is 1887, in the era of Marvellous Melbourne, long before the crash of the 1890s. Soccer, like most other sports, suffered from the depression of the 1890s, but revived immigration in the years just prior to the First World War accompanied a revival.
In 1909, the doyen of Victorian soccer, Harry Dockerty presented the Cup which bears his name, which is still competed for today, and which is being mooted as the basis for an all- Australian competition in the near future. The Victorian League was reorganised and won by Carlton United in 1909-10. Williamstown, Yarraville and Melbourne Thistle were the other champions before the competition was abandoned during the First World War in 1916. The same clubs with the addition of St Kilda won the Dockerty Cup. By 1913 there was an eight-team league, with six reserve teams. The interstate series continued. Competition continued in 1914 and 1915 despite the outbreak of the First World War but then was abandoned for the duration. The First World War had interrupted a sharp rise in immigration into Australia. In the aftermath of war thousands of migrants from Britain and a few from other parts of Europe arrived. Between 1921 and 1925, 36, 700 immigrants landed, the largest increase in a five-year period since gold rush days. Victoria benefited from this influx, and several new industries wereb created.
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