New York : The American City
In the half century following the American Declaration of Independence New York City grew at a much faster rate (except during the Revolutionary War itself and during the period around the War of 1812) than it had during colonialism. The city, once its population had stabilized following the drastic shifts during and immediately after the Revolution, doubled and then redoubled in size within a very short span of years. During this era its population composition more closely resembled the ethnic mix of the United States as a whole than at any other time in its history. But, ironically, as New York began to burgeon it simultaneously commenced to diverge in character from the nation since the newcomers from abroad (principally Irish Catholics) were regarded as quite different from the archetypal Americans.
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD
New York became an American city in 1775 when revolutionary committees took over the municipal government. Between 1775 and 1783 political and military events brought about the most radical fluctuations in population in the city's history. The actual dimensions of the population movements, however, are subject to conjecture.
Points of Interest
History
Points of Interest
History
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![]() The story of America's national unity and the Homogenized Baby is not without interest at this point. If memory serves, it was on a prewar February day that the office boy was told to run down to the big newspaper stand on the corner and bring back the current issue of half a dozen foreign-language dailies. Some one had made a speech the night before on New York as an un-American city.
The speaker offered in evidence the babel of tongues you hear on the subway and in front of the Broadway movie palaces. He was even more deeply impressed by the numerous publications he saw displayed on the Broadway newsstands in outlandish tongues and alphabets. Our foreign-language papers are a long-standing grievance. As far back as one can remember they have been deplored as an obstacle to the assimilation of the newer Americans. It is, on the face of things, a charge not to be lightly dismissed.
![]() Ultimately, a worker's question is: Can a living be made in New York City, and, if so, how? Answers to this question, of course, are relative. Compared with 31 of the world's largest cities, New York salaries are the highest. While automobiles, gasoline, and taxes are relatively cheap, all other consumer goods and services are among the most expensive, including astronomical rents for standard housing, which lead the way. Furthermore, the patchwork of available medical care services and payment methods never equals the coverage enjoyed by a citizen of, for example, Copenhagen, where all medical and dental services, including prescriptions, are provided without direct cost to the consumer.
As a matter of policy, the United States has been reluctant to tamper with market mechanisms; and even with the expansion of social security, welfare, and health schemes, families require relatively high cash earnings to maintain themselves.
This usually means some form of occupational or organizational attachment that affords steady work at adequate wages and minimum protection against such hazards as unemployment, sickness, or old age. In a segmented labor market, not all workers achieve establishment. This is the phenomenon involved in concepts that dichotomize the labor market into such categories as primary and secondary, preferred and transient, or central and peripheral.
The attributes of the job are critical for achieving work establishment. Very different kinds of work lend themselves to this degree of modest success, which in effect gives the worker a kind of property right in his job and keeps other possible claimants out.
Cutting across the industrial distribution, to which we will return below, is a top stratum of workers whose market protection is in the form of distinct occupational activities usually requiting extended preemployment training and specific credentials in the form of degrees and licenses. These workers are included in the census category, "professional, technical and kindred," which aggregates such disparate occupations as physician, entertainer, and engineering technician. The category as a whole constitutes 14 percent of New York City's total employment, about the same as the national proportion, but the city has a disproportionate share of the higher-paid professionals.
The outlook for professional and technical employment in New York City is mixed. On the one hand, the city's preeminence in producer services and in finance means that certain kinds of top professional jobs will continue to be important in the city's manpower picture. Many of these are protected not only by the level of credentials required but also by other kinds of control over the terms and conditions of employment. Physicians, dentists, lawyers, accountants, architects, and engineers all require some form of state license to practice, and to varying degrees they control the supply of the profession through their influence on training institutions and curricula. Public school teachers not only require licensing, but also have the added protections of civil service and a strong union. The same may be said of other professionals working for government in New York City.
These shelters will probably continue to yield high earnings for those who are employed, but, in some occupations, employment will not be as readily available in the seventies as in the sixties because of the pressure of increased supplies of well-educated workers. This effect is already apparent, most clearly among teachers. New York City teachers, who enjoy a high pay scale and other benefits, will doubtless continue to do so, but their ranks will not grow very much in the short run because of both demographic shifts in the school-age population and stringencies in the city budget. At the other extreme, the income of physicians will probably continue to increase as long as the profession is successful in limiting supply and in influencing the size of third-party payments in such schemes as Medicaid and Medicare.
In addition to the professionals, New York City has a sizable cohort of salaried managers. It is difficult to estimate their number, but the relative magnitude of high-salaried jobs in the city may be inferred from the proportion of exempt workers in various industries and their earnings. These workers by definition include salaried professionals, executives, administrators, and outside salesmen, who are ineligible for overtime pay and other benefits according to the federal and state minimum wage laws.
In New York City, there seems to be cause for concern about the continued existence of many small establishments in trade and service. Store rents have risen to levels that make continued operation uneconomic. Competition from larger units, undercapitalization, and managerial inadequacy probably have contributed to the problems of small business, but turnover is also adversely affected by the combination of inflation and recession that has slowed the rest of the economy in the recent past.
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New York : Centers
Strictly speaking, Rockefeller Center is not a center at all. People use the word in two closely related meanings, of which Rockefeller Center meets neither. With capital letters we have Medical Centers and Civic Centers, and some years ago we tried hard to get a Music Center but did not succeed. This kind of center means a large group of buildings -- sometimes it may be one huge building as in the case of one of our Medical Centers -under one administration and dedicated to a single line of business. It may be the business of taking care of sick people or the business of governing a city, or the business of providing New York with musical recreation and education, if we had got our Music Center.
Frequently the Center is our old friend the District. We have the Garment Center which means the district in which the garment industry is concentrated, as we had or still have the financial district, the leather and dry goods district, old Newspaper Row which was the newspaper district, and the insurance district, all of them downtown. In midtown there is the shopping district and the publishing district and the theater district and the night club district. Here are independent enterprises engaged in the same line of business. Sometimes we follow old usage and speak of the shopping district and the dry goods district. Sometimes we fall into the new usage and speak of the shopping center and the financial center. But the idea of a common pursuit is always there.
Career guidance can be a critical intervention for residents of large cities like New York.
Ultimately, a worker's question is: Can a living be made in New York City, and, if so, how?
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